Leaders change campaign style as pressure mounts

By Our Reporter
As the March 5 House of Representatives election approaches, candidates across the political parties are being pushed to rethink how they campaign. The era of one-way speeches and easy applause is fading fast. Voters now want answers, and they want them face to face.
The pressure is most visible in Jhapa 5, where UML chair and former prime minister KP Sharma Oli is discovering that a once safe seat can suddenly feel uncomfortable. His main rival, Rastriya Swatantra Party backed Balen Shah, has injected real competition into the race. But the bigger shift is coming from voters themselves. Locals are grilling Oli over delayed embankment work on the Ratuwa and Mawa rivers, the unresolved landless settler issue, and the large promises he made while in office. Younger voters have even confronted him about the Gen Z shooting episode and accused him of appearing only at election time. For a leader used to smooth victories, being forced into defensive, house to house persuasion marks a clear change.
Balen Shah is not getting a free ride either. After leaving the Kathmandu mayor’s office to challenge Oli, he is facing tough questions in Jhapa. Voters want clarity on rumors that he would use bulldozers against landless settlements. They also want to see his manifesto, not just hear about his reputation from Kathmandu. Balen has responded by promising a humane and legal approach to the landless issue and by pledging reforms to the Land Commission. Still, the message from voters is blunt, past performance in the capital does not guarantee trust elsewhere.
In Morang 3, Nepali Congress leader Dr Sunil Sharma is facing a similar reality check. Once viewed as an easy winner, Sharma now faces pointed questions from voters despite his record of helping locals with medical expenses. His rival, RSP candidate Ganesh Karki, is also under pressure. Young voters are demanding to know why they should trust either man. The exchange signals a deeper shift. Personal goodwill and party label alone no longer seals the deal.
The mood is equally tense in Rautahat 4, where journalist turned candidate Rishi Dhamala is being questioned in the same sharp tone he once used on political guests. Voters are asking what he has done for ordinary citizens despite long proximity to power. Viral clips of young people mocking him show how quickly public patience can evaporate in the social media age.
RSP’s Tosima Karki faces scrutiny in Lalitpur 3 for failing to maintain a visible presence after her earlier victory. In Gulmi, Congress figure Chandra Bhandari is under pressure from youth demanding stronger action on internal party reform and corruption control. In Makwanpur, Mahalakshmi Upadhyay Dina is being bluntly asked why she deserves another chance. In Bara, UML leader Jwala Kumari Sah spends much of her time defending her past record and her support for Oli.
So why is this happening now? Several forces are converging. First, the Gen Z protest wave has changed voter psychology. Citizens, especially young ones, feel more confident challenging authority figures directly. Second, technology has shrunk the distance between leaders and the public. Door to door visits get recorded, clipped, and shared within minutes. Candidates cannot rely on carefully managed mass rallies anymore.
Third, frustration has built up after years of slow delivery by both old and new parties. Traditional parties such as UML, Congress, Maoists, and Madhes based groups face voter anger over neglect after winning past elections. But newer forces like the RSP are also being pressed to present clear roadmaps instead of riding on anti-establishment energy.
Sociologist Suresh Dhakal captures the moment well. Earlier, voters behaved like predictable clouds. Now they resemble drifting incense smoke, shifting and hard to read. This volatility is forcing leaders to adapt quickly. Campaigns have become less about grand speeches and more about direct accountability.
For Nepal’s political class, the message is blunt. Voters are no longer content to clap and go home. They want proof, plans, and presence. Leaders who fail to adjust may find that even their safest seats are not so safe anymore.
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