By Our Reporter

Bangladesh has finally returned to an elected government about 30 months after a student led uprising removed the previous Sheikh Hasina government. The new government has come through a general election that gave the Bangladesh Nationalist Party, BNP, a near two thirds majority. Its chairperson, Tarique Rahman, has become prime minister. For a country that often struggles to keep politics on a steady track, the peaceful handover of power by interim chief Muhammad Yunus is no small achievement.

Yunus deserves credit for steering the country through a tense period and delivering an election that most players have accepted. In Bangladesh, the military has a history of stepping in when politics turns messy. Against that backdrop, a civilian to civilian transfer through the ballot box carries weight. Still, celebration should remain cautious. Bangladesh has seen many hopeful moments in the past that later slipped back into instability.

Rahman now steps into office with serious challenges waiting for him. The Bangladesh Jamaat e Islami has emerged as the main opposition after winning 68 of the 300 seats. It complained about election irregularities but stopped short of rejecting the results outright. That restraint has helped calm the immediate political temperature.

Yet the election was held without the Awami League, the country’s founding party. Its absence leaves a question mark over how inclusive the process truly was. If the Awami League decides to mobilize protests, Bangladesh could again face political tension. So the new government begins its term on ground that looks stable on the surface but may still shift underneath.

Nepal has been watching these events closely, and for good reason. Even without a shared border, the political mood in Bangladesh often echoes in Kathmandu. The dramatic exit of Sheikh Hasina last year and Nepal’s own political upheavals around the same period have invited many comparisons. In both countries, strong leaders faced street protests led largely by younger citizens. In both cases, public frustration grew when governments appeared distant and dismissive.

One clear lesson from Bangladesh is about political humility. When leaders ignore public anger or rely too heavily on force, the backlash can be swift and costly. Bangladesh paid a heavy price in lives, instability, and lost time. Nepal’s leaders would be wise to read that warning carefully instead of assuming “it cannot happen here.”

Another lesson lies in the limits of protest politics. Bangladesh’s National Citizen Party, born from the student movement, managed to win only six seats. Street power did not easily translate into ballot power. That should catch the attention of Nepal’s emerging forces. Public excitement during protests does not always survive the discipline of elections.

Still, Nepal’s situation differs in important ways. Bangladesh barred its former ruling party from the race, which shaped voter behavior. Nepal’s main parties remain active competitors, and the country uses a proportional representation system that spreads power more widely. These factors make a sweeping two thirds victory by any single party unlikely in Nepal.

There is also a structural difference. Nepal’s army has stayed out of direct political rule, unlike Bangladesh’s military history. Despite sharp competition, Nepal’s political leaders still maintain working ties with each other. That provides a cushion against sudden breakdowns.

The broader message from Bangladesh is simple but serious. Democratic crises can deepen quickly, but recovery through elections is still possible. Nepal now stands near its own electoral test. Political actors, security agencies, and civil society must ensure the coming polls remain peaceful, fair, and widely accepted. If they manage that, Nepal can avoid the long detour Bangladesh just had to take.

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